What is the Fourth Estate

The term fourth estate is used to describe the press. Describing journalists and the news outlets for which they work as members of the fourth estate is an acknowledgment of their influence and status among the greatest powers of a nation, the author William Safire once wrote. The term goes back centuries when it applied to any unofficial group that wielded public influence, including a mob. An Outdated Term Use of the term fourth estate to describe the modern media, though, is somewhat outdated unless it is with irony, given the publics mistrust of journalists and news coverage in general. Fewer than a third of news consumers say they trust the media, according to the Gallup organization. Before 2004, it was common for a majority of Americans to profess at least some trust in the mass media, but since then, less than half of Americans feel that way. Now, only about a third of the U.S. has any trust in the Fourth Estate, a stunning development for an institution designed to inform the public, Gallup wrote in 2016.   The phrase lost its vividness as the other estates faded from memory, and now has a musty and stilted connotation, wrote Safire, a former New York Times columnist. In current use the press usually carries with it the aura of freedom of the press enshrined in the U.S. Constitution, while press critics usually label it, with a sneer, the media. Origins of Fourth Estate The term fourth estate  is often attributed  to British politician Edmund Burke. Thomas Carlyle, in Heroes and Hero-Worship in History, writes: Burke said that there were three Estates in Parliament, but in the Reporters Gallery yonder, there sat a fourth Estate more important far than them all. The Oxford English Dictionary attributes the term fourth estate to Lord Brougham in 1823. Others attributed it to English essayist William Hazlitt. In England, the three estates preceding the fourth estate were the king, the clergy and the commoners. In the United States, the term fourth estate is sometimes used to place the press alongside the three branches of government: legislative, executive and judicial. The fourth estate refers to the watchdog role of the press, one that is important to a functioning democracy. Role of the Fourth Estate The First Amendment to the Constitution frees the press. But that freedom carries with it a responsibility to be the peoples watchdog. The traditional newspaper, however, is threatened by shrinking readership, and the watchdog role is not being filled by other forms of media. Television is focused on entertainment, even when it dresses it up as news. Traditional radio stations are threatened by satellite radio, with no ties to local concerns. All are confronted with the frictionless distribution enabled by the Internet, the disruptive effects of digital information. Few have figured out a business model that pays for content at todays rates. Personal bloggers may be great at filtering and framing information, but few have the time or resources to perform acts of investigative journalism. Sources Safire, William. â€Å"The One-Man Fourth Estate.†Ã‚  The New York Times, The New York Times, 6 June 1982Swift, Art. â€Å"Americans Trust in Mass Media Sinks to New Low.†Ã‚  Gallup.com, Gallup

Americans Attitude Change in the 60s - 2293 Words

Question 1: For many Americans, the 1960s began with JFKs Age of Camelot, an era that seemed to exude confidence in American institutions. Yet, by the early 1970s, those expectations and attitudes seemed to be replaced by a sense of bitterness and cynicism. Discuss and analyze the causes and consequences of this profound attitudinal shift. Question 3: How did official US policy towards Vietnam change between 1950 and 1975? How did American leaders link events in Vietnam to national security interests? How did the American public react to the war in the sixties and early seventies? Answer: These two questions are so intertwined with one another that combining the two answers is the most efficient way of telling the story.†¦show more content†¦What seems to have begun the turning of the tide for Americans perception of government is what comes next. In November of 1963, JFK was assassinated in Dallas. In one explosive moment, Camelot came crashing down and died with Kennedy. America was shocked, and events such as Jackies witness to Johnsons swearing in, all while continuing to wear the blood and brain speckled suit, further personified the event. Johnson was not as liked as a president. He had somewhat of a personality complex. He always wished to be viewed as powerful. He was a tall Texan, and his professed arrogance was pushed on all who contacted him. For example, he had a powered chair lift installed in Air-Force-One so that he could raise himself inches above the people he was talking with. Johnson had always been a strong legislator, and he brought these talents to the white house. He pushed for social issues. He was successful in passing the Civil Rights Act in 1964, followed by the Voting Rights Act shortly later. In November of 64, Americans elected Johnson in a landslide. All of America except for the Deep South seemed to like what he had to say about social issues. Johnsons own presidency shadows the divide of America. Johnson was brought into the continuing expansion of troubles in Vietnam. Kennedy had supported the South-Vietnamese democratic intentions, but shortly before his ownShow MoreRelatedThe Influene of World War II on the Social Norm and Art Movements of America1779 Words   |  7 PagesOnce World War II ended, it was like large weight had been lifted of the shoulders of not only the American people. In light of the heavy tole that this war, a preceding depression the nation was ready for a time of peace. The decade after this era stood in contrast, with numerous riots and turbulence due to major social changes. Because of this major contrast in two adjacent decades in history, many historians have come to conclusion that the fifties were a time of conformity, and collectednessRead MoreThe American Reaction to Involvement in Vietnam Essay862 Words   |  4 PagesThe American Reaction to Involvement in Vietnam In the early 60s, most Americans were very ignorant about Vietnam. 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Three Chinese Schools Of Thought Essay Research free essay sample

Three Chinese Schools Of Thought Essay, Research Paper The Three Schools Joseph Kemling Chinese Civ Essay 2 The three schools of thought-Confucian, Taoist, and Legalist, all have different positions and grounds as to whether or non the United States should be involved in the struggle in Kosovo. Each school perceived Tao in different ways and had different position? s on human nature. To see how each school would take its side on this issue, we must foremost hold some background information on the schools. Confucius was one of the chief subscribers of the Confucian school of idea. He had one overpowering message: if work forces are to accomplish a province of methodicalness and peace, they need to return to traditional values of virtuousness. These values are based wholly on one construct: jen, which is best translated as # 8220 ; humaneness, # 8221 ; but can besides intend # 8220 ; humanity, # 8221 ; # 8220 ; benevolence, # 8221 ; # 8220 ; goodness, # 8221 ; or # 8220 ; virtue. # 8221 ; This humaneness is a comparatively unusual construct to Western eyes, because it is non chiefly a operable virtuousness. Rather, the occupation of the # 8220 ; gentleman, # 8221 ; ch # 8217 ; ? n tzu, was to concentrate on the highest constructs of behaviour even when this is impractical or foolish. Like his coevalss, Confucius believed that the human order in some manner reflected the Godhead order, or the forms of Eden. More than anything, for Confucius the ancients understood the order and hierarchy of Eden and Earth ; as a consequence, Confucius established the Chinese yesteryear as an infallible theoretical account for the present. ( Reader P. 81 ) What is incumbent on single people is to find the right form to populate and regulate by ; this can be achieved by analyzing the sage-kings and their manner of life and authorities and by following rites conscientiously, for the form of Eden is most explicitly inscribed on the assorted rites, Li, prescribed for the behavior of mundane life. Neglecting ritual, or making rites falsely, demonstrated a moral lawlessness or upset of the most crying sort. These heavenly forms were besides inscribed in the forms of music and dance, Y? eh, so that order in this life could be attained by apprehension and practising the order of traditional and grave music and dance. Music and dance are talked about invariably in the Confucian Hagiographas. Why? Because traditional music and dance absolutely embody the humaneness and wisdom of their composers, who understood absolutely the order of the universe and Eden ; one can make within oneself this wisdom by decently executing this music and dance. ( Reader p. 97 ) Taoism is, along with Confucianism, the most of import strain of Chinese thought through the ages. It is about wholly different from Confucianism, but non contradictory. It ranges over wholly different concerns, so that it is common for persons, philosophers, Chinese novels or movies, etc. , to be both Confucianist and Taoist. The Taoist has no concern for personal businesss of the province, for mundane or everyday affairs of disposal, or for luxuriant ritual ; instead Taoism encourages avoiding public responsibility in order to seek for a vision of the nonnatural universe of the spirit. ( Website ) Taoism is based on the thought that behind all material things and all the alteration in the universe lies one fundamental, cosmopolitan rule: the Way or Tao. This rule gives rise to all being and governs everything, all alteration and all life. Behind the bewildering multiplicity and contradictions of the universe lies a individual integrity, the Tao. The intent of human life, so, is to populate life harmonizing to the Tao, which requires passiveness, composure, non-striving ( wu Wei ) , humbleness, and deficiency of planning, for to program is to travel against the Tao.The text of Lao Tzu is chiefly concerned with portraying a theoretical account of human life lived by the Tao ; later authors will emphasize more mystical and charming facets. But Lao Tzu was, like Confucius, Mo Tzu, and Mencius, besides concerned with the nature of authorities ; he believed unquestioningly in the thought that a authorities could besides be in conformity with the Tao. What would such a authorities expression like? It would non pay war, it would non be complex, it would non interfere in people # 8217 ; s lives, it would non wallow in luxury and wealth, and, ideally, it would be inactive, functioning chiefly as a usher instead than as a governor. There were people who tried to translate Lao Tzu into existent political action during the Han dynasty ; these were, as you might conceive of, dramatic failures. Taoism is often called in China, # 8220 ; The Teachings of the Yellow Emperor and Lao Tzu, # 8221 ; or # 8220 ; The Teachings of Lao Tzu and Chuang Tzu. # 8221 ; Now, Chuang Tzu ( 369-286 B.C. ) was a existent individual ; his instructions come down to us in a short aggregation of his expressions. The Yellow Emperor is wholly fabulous. This Lao Tzu, nevertheless, we know nil about ; we can non state with certainty if he existed and when ; on the other manus, we can non state with certainty that he did non be. All we know is that we have a really short book, the Lao Tzu ( or Tao te ching ) , whose writer is supposed to be Lao Tzu. The book is difficult to read ( as is Chuang Tzu ) , for one of the underlying rules of Taoism is that it can non be talked about. Hence, Lao Tzu uses non-discursive authorship techniques: contradiction, paradox, mysticism, and metaphor. ( Reader p. 82 ) The Legaliats presented a first in Chinese authorities: the application of a philosophical system to authorities. And despite their blue failure and subsequent demonisation throughout descendants, the philosophical and political inventions they practiced had a permanent consequence on the nature of Chinese authorities. The basic starting point for the early Confucianists ( Confucius and Mencius ) was that human existences were basically good ; every homo was born with Te, or # 8220 ; moral virtue. # 8221 ; The 3rd gr eat Confucianist of antiquity, Hs? n Tzu ( fl. 298-238 B.C. ) , believed precisely the antonym, that all human existences were born basically depraved, selfish, greedy, and lubricious. However, this was non some dark and pessimistic position of humanity, for Hs? n Tzu believed that worlds could be made good through socialization and instruction ( which is the basic position of society in Europe and America from the eighteenth to the 20th centuries: worlds are basically basal and coarse but can be taught to be good and refined ) . His student, Han Fei Tzu, began from the same starting point, but determined that worlds are made good by province Torahs. The lone manner to look into human selfishness and corruption was to set up Torahs that bounteously rewarded actions that benefit others and the province and ruthlessly penalize all actions that harmed others or the province. For Confucius, power was something to be wielded for the benefit of the people, but for Han Fei, the benefit of the people lay in the ruthless control of single selfishness. Since even the emperor can non be counted on to act in the involvements of the people, that is, since even the emperor can be selfish, it is necessary that the Torahs be supreme over even the emperor. Ideally, if the Torahs are written good plenty and enforced sharply, there is no demand of single leading, for the Torahs entirely are sufficient to regulate a province. ( Website ) When the Ch # 8217 ; in gained imperial power after decennaries of civil war, they adopted the thoughts of the Legalists as their political theory. In pattern, under legalists such as Li Ssu ( d. 208 B.C. ) and Chao Kao, the Legalism of the Ch # 8217 ; in dynasty ( 221-207 ) involved a unvarying dictatorship. Peoples were conscripted to labour for long periods of clip on province undertakings, such as irrigation undertakings or the series of defensive walls in northern China which we know as the Great Wall ; all dissension with the authorities was made a capital offense ; all alternative ways of thought, which the Legalists saw as promoting the natural unruliness of humanity, were banned. The policies finally led to the ruin of the dynasty itself after merely 14 old ages in power. Local peoples began to revolt and the authorities did nil about it, for local functionaries feared to convey these rebellions to the attending of the governments since the studies themselves might be construed as a unfavorable judgment of the authorities and so consequence in their executings. The emperor # 8217 ; s tribunal did non detect these rebellions until it was far excessively tardily, and the Ch # 8217 ; in and the policies they pursued were discredited for the remainder of Chinese history. ( Reader p. 82 ) But it is non so easy to disregard Legalism as this short, anomalous, unpleasant period of dictatorship in Chinese history, for the Legalists established ways of making authorities that would deeply influence ulterior authoritiess. First, they adopted Mo Tzu # 8217 ; s thoughts about utilitarianism ; the merely occupations that people should be engaged in should be businesss that materially benefited others, peculiarly agribusiness. Most of the Ch # 8217 ; in Torahs were efforts to travel people from useless activities, such as scholarship or doctrine, to utile 1s. This utilitarianism would last as a dynamic strain of Chinese political theory up to and including the Maoist revolution. Second, the Legalists invented what we call # 8220 ; regulation of jurisprudence, # 8221 ; that is, the impression that the jurisprudence is supreme over every single, including single swayers. The jurisprudence should govern instead than persons, who have authorization merely to administrate the jurisprudence. Third, the Legalists adopted Mo Tzu # 8217 ; s thoughts of uniform standardisation of jurisprudence and civilization. In order to be effectual, the jurisprudence has to be uniformly applied ; no-one is to be punished more or less badly because of their societal standing. This impression of # 8220 ; equality before the jurisprudence # 8221 ; would, with some alterations, remain a cardinal construct in theories of Chinese authorities. In their pursuit for unvarying criterions, the Ch # 8217 ; in undertook a undertaking of standardising Chinese civilization: the authorship system, the pecuniary system, weights and steps, the philosophical systems ( which they chiefly accomplished by destructing rival schools of idea ) . This standardisation deeply affected the coherency of Chinese civilization and the centralisation of authorities ; the effort to standardise Chinese thought would take in the early Han dynasty ( 202 B.C.-9 A.D. ) to the merger of the rival schools into one system of idea, the alleged Han Synthesis. ( Website ) With this background information, I believe that the Confucianists and the Legalists would support the U.S. engagement in Kosovo ; while the Taoists would be against it. The Confucianists would see it as their responsibility to assist out the people in Kosovo, and to halt the atrociousnesss that are happening at that place. Not acquiring involved would be non being virtuous. The power of the United States should be wielded to assist the people and the province. The Legalists would besides back up engagement in Kosovo, but for a different ground than the Confucianists. They would see it as their right to demo tough love to the Yugoslavians. They would privation to back up the UN? s determination that no state can interrupt the jurisprudence and non be punished. Once the Yugoslav? s were punished, they would see the visible radiation as to what is the proper thing to make. The Legalists believed that merely penalizing Yugoslavia for their bad behaviour would benifit the universe and give it order. The Taoists would non back up the U.S. engagement in Kosova for many grounds. The Taoists believe in the virtuousnesss of inactivity. They believed that the intent of human life, so, is to unrecorded life harmonizing to the Tao, which requires passiveness, composure, non-striving ( wu Wei ) , and humbleness. The Taoists would hence non prosecute in an aggressive onslaught in Kosovo.

United States Foreign Policies to Egypt and Libya Foreign Policies before Uprisings

Table of Contents Foreign Policies before Uprisings Foreign Policies after the Uprising Differences between Previous and Current Policies Future Foreign Policies Works Cited Foreign Policies before Uprisings The United States have always enjoyed a cordial relationship with Libya and Egypt before the turmoil. The previous administrations the U.S. had very sound policies towards the two States, which were meant to strengthen ties.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on United States’ Foreign Policies to Egypt and Libya Foreign Policies before Uprisings specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The U.S. government never came up with policies projected to force the leaders of the two States to be accountable. Insisting on things like democracy and liberalization of the economy could anger the leaders of these States and hence straining the economic ties. The U.S. supported Libya in its endeavors while the United States be nefited from reduced fuel prices. The U.S. government protected Libya from the angers of the reformists and other aggressions from outside. The autocratic leaders were supplied with weapons from the American arms industries. The American engineering industry benefited from the relations because it reaped maximally. The government of the U.S. avoided any conflicts with the two States since such conflicts can interfere with the multilateral relations. The U.S. companies marketed the products from Libya and supplied the Egyptian industries with facilities such as machinery needed for production. The relations between the U.S. and the embattled States before the uprisings can therefore be termed as peaceful and cooperative. The relations were mutual since the two parties benefited, though the U.S. benefited more. It is argued that there is no common government at the international system. States are more concerned with their self-interests. The U.S. supported the two countries because i t benefited from such support. States at the international system exist according to the Hobbestian state of nature. The international system is anarchic meaning that the mighty States, such as the U.S. subjugates the lesser ones. States at the international system have not yet formed a Leviathan, which is a common authority in charge of overseeing the affairs of all States. Libya and Egypt were supported by the U.S. only because of one reason, oil. After the uprisings, things changed. The U.S. swiftly changed and demanded accountability from the leaders of the two States. This was aimed at preserving its image at the international system. The United States is always depicted as the image of democracy. It is not surprising that the U.S. voted for the decision at the U.N. Security Council authorizing the imposition of the no-fly zone to Libya. The U.S. foreign policies towards these states were inspired by economic motives.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see i f we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Foreign Policies after the Uprising The U.S. can bear Mubarak’s and Kaddafi’s defeat because it is uncertain Egyptian ruling leaders as well as Libyan autocrats will refuse to continue operating within the American precincts. Certainly, they will grip to the Washington’s lap. It is equally cynical that the military council managing Egypt at the command of the ruling class will lead the state in a way acceptable to the employees and students who ousted Mubarak. It was sending a warning to the leader of the military council, Field Marshal Mohamed Tantawi, who served faithfully at Mubarak’s regime in ruling Egypt for years.   The insurgents observe that while the tyrant is departed, vital features of the stretched repression are expected to stay put. Washington is contented with the progress so far. What the United States cannot accept is a public rebellion in a State inferior to the U.S. that demolishes the established state machinery and starts edifying a fresh radical government devoted to throwing out the entire traces of the previous imperialist authority. When Nicaragua attempted it, Uncle Sam instigated the Contras. After Cuba made it, the U.S. is still harsh to its little neighbor for proclaiming sovereignty from its Yankee overlord, 52 years afterward (Grimmett 76). The concern is whether the Egyptian citizens will be contended when fresh provisions are made in some months to come. In Libya, the U.S. of late has taken a more active position as opposed to the time when the uprising started. It has joined other major powers in condemning the outraged Libyan government for assaulting innocent citizens and committing crimes against humanity. The U.S. forces have so far been deployed to the region to check any terror activities that might crop up in the course of the uprising. Differences between Previous and Current Policies The U.S. before the uprisings ha d friendly policies that were meant to entice the leaders to dispose of oil products at fair prices to the people of America. The U.S. supported all forms of governments in the region without considering their political responsibilities. Things have so far changed. Every leader wishing to take over power is assessed carefully to determine whether he will abide by the rules and regulations of the United Nations (Bret 21). The current governments must be accountable and responsive to the needs of the people. It can be summarized that, while the policies before the uprisings were cooperative in nature, the policies after the uprisings are full of conflicts.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on United States’ Foreign Policies to Egypt and Libya Foreign Policies before Uprisings specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The Libyan autocrats are no longer protected because the whole world is now keen on the activities taking place. Supporting totalitarianism will be contradictory to the U.S. principles. For that reason, the U.S. is calling upon the leaders to liberalize the economy and ensure that basic human rights are adhered. Future Foreign Policies The U.S. policies in future will have to be tactful since the incoming governments may come up with new strategies to lockout the U.S. from oil proceeds. The secret agents are working out a formula to ensure that friendly leaders take over power in the two States. The leaders are expected to support the United States in the U.N. Security Council and its quest to achieving national interests. The future foreign policies will be all encompassing and inclusive. The U.S. will come up with future policies after scrutinizing the idiosyncratic variables, that is the behavior of leaders and the institutional or governmental variables, implying the governmental institutions such as the civil service and the executive. Future foreign policies will be shaped by the aftermath of the uprising. Should governmental powers land to the hands of the Islamic radicals, the U.S. will be forced to come up with more radical policies to counter the influence of the group. This could be one of the setbacks for the U.S. government. Works Cited Adams, Chris. â€Å"Libyan rebel leader spent much of past 20 years in suburban Virginia.† McClatchy Newspapers, 2011. Web. Bret, Stephens. â€Å"The Libya mission was never about regime change.† Wall Street Journal, March 2011. Web. Grimmett, Richard. â€Å"The War Powers Resolution: After Thirty-Six Years.† Fas.org, 2010. Web.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Gutterman, Steve. â€Å"No UN mandate to attack Gaddafi forces: Russia.† Reuters, 2011. Web. Kareem, Fahim. â€Å"Rebel leadership shows signs of strain in Libya.† New York Times, 2011. Web. Youssef, May. â€Å"Anti-Gaddafists Rally in London.† Al Ahram Weekly, AlJazeera,  2005. Web. This essay on United States’ Foreign Policies to Egypt and Libya Foreign Policies before Uprisings was written and submitted by user Jedidiah Rivas to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.